How the Super Rich Make Their Money and Avoid Paying Taxes: Economic Analysis (1990)
Kevin Price Phillips (born 30 November 1940) is an American writer and
commentator on politics, economics, and history. Formerly a Republican
Party strategist before becoming an Independent, Phillips became
disaffected with the party from the 1990s, and became a scathing critic.
He is a regular contributor to the Los Angeles Times, Harper's
Magazine, and National Public Radio, and was a political analyst on PBS'
NOW with Bill Moyers.
Phillips was a strategist on voting
patterns for Richard Nixon's 1968 campaign, which was the basis for a
book, The Emerging Republican Majority, which predicted a conservative
realignment in national politics, and is widely regarded as one of the
most influential recent works in political science. His predictions
regarding shifting voting patterns in presidential elections proved
accurate, though they did not extend "down ballot" to Congress until the
Republican revolution of 1994. Phillips also was partly responsible for
the design of the Republican "Southern strategy" of the 1970s and
1980s.
The author of fourteen books, he lives in Goshen, Connecticut.
Phillips
was educated at the Bronx High School of Science, Colgate University,
the University of Edinburgh and Harvard Law School. After his stint as a
senior strategist for the Nixon presidential campaign, he served a
year, starting in 1969, as Special Assistant to the U.S. Attorney
General, but left after a year to become a columnist. In 1971, he became
president of the American Political Research Corporation and
editor-publisher of the American Political Report (through 1998).
In
1982, the Wall Street Journal described him as "the leading
conservative electoral analyst -- the man who invented the term "Sun
Belt" [a phrase also attributed to legendary Speaker of the United
States House of Representatives Sam Rayburn], named the New Right, and
prophesied 'The Emerging Republican Majority' in 1969."
Later, he
became a critic of Republicans from the south and west, the area he had
identified as the "Heartland", the future core of Republican votes. He
had also identified the "Yankee Northeast" as the future Democratic
stronghold, foreshadowing the current split between Red States and Blue
States. More than 30 years before the 2004 election, Phillips foresaw
such previously Democratic states as Texas and West Virginia swinging to
the Republicans and Vermont and Maine becoming Democratic states.
Phillips
uses the term financialization to describe how the U.S. economy has
been radically restructured from a focus on production, manufacturing
and wages, to a focus on speculation, debt, and profits. Since the
1980s, Phillips argues in American Theocracy,
the underlying
Washington strategy... was less to give ordinary Americans direct sums
than to create a low-interest-rate boom in real estate, thereby raising
the percentage of American home ownership, ballooning the prices of
homes, and allowing householders to take out some of that increase
through low-cost refinancing. This triple play created new wealth to
take the place of that destroyed in the 2000-2002 stock-market crash and
simultaneously raised consumer confidence.
Nothing similar had ever
been engineered before. Instead of a recovery orchestrated by Congress
and the White House and aimed at the middle- and bottom-income segments,
this one was directed by an appointed central banker, a man whose
principal responsibility was to the banking system. His relief, targeted
on financial assets and real estate, was principally achieved by
monetary stimulus. This in itself confirmed the massive realignment of
preferences and priorities within the American system....
Likewise,
huge and indisputable but almost never discussed, were the powerful
political economics lurking behind the stimulus: the massive
rate-cut-driven post-2000 bailout of the FIRE (finance, insurance, and
real estate) sector, with its ever-climbing share of GDP and proximity
to power. No longer would Washington concentrate stimulus on wages or
public-works employment. The Fed's policies, however shrewd, were not
rooted in an abstraction of the national interest but in pursuit of its
statutory mandate to protect the U.S. banking and payments system, now
inseparable from the broadly defined financial-services sector.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kevin_Ph...)
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